As Tel Aviv exploits the regional resurgence of anti-imperialist forces, its foothold in Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile faces growing resistance from movements determined to push the occupation state out of Latin America.
As condemnation of Israeli war crimes intensifies across the Global South, Tel Aviv is moving swiftly to secure footholds in Latin America, namely across Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile. These are strategic offensives – and not diplomatic missions or economic ventures – designed to re-anchor the occupation state in a region historically hostile to its apartheid policies and colonial practices.
Tel Aviv’s American frontier
Israel’s advance comes amid the wreckage of Latin America’s “Pink Tide” – a decade-long wave of center-left, anti-imperialist governments that once challenged US dominance and Washington’s imposed neoliberal economics across the continent. Some of those governments also heralded an era of counter-hegemonic attempts by fostering national sovereignty and South–South relations, spearheaded by the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez (1999–2013) and Brazil’s former president Lula da Silva (2003–2011). While many of those gains were rolled back through coups, economic blackmail, and Atlanticist intervention paving the way for US-aligned conservative governments, the embers of that era are reigniting.
As recent events in Venezuela have shown, with American naval assets approaching its Caribbean shores to apparently launch a regime change operation disguised as a fight against “narco-terrorism,” the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) has been retooled for confrontation, and the Axis of Resistance is expanding its influence beyond West Asia. Tel Aviv understands the clock is ticking. With growing regional solidarity against western imperialism, Israel is scrambling to lock in alliances and defense pacts before the next political rupture shuts it out once again. As in the time of the Cold War-era military juntas, Israel is taking advantage of the changing winds in Latin American politics, the growth of Christian Zionism among local Evangelicals, and US direct interventions to project its strategic depth into the Americas. The coming elections in Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile will be decisive matches in this game.
Argentina: The occupation state’s southern embassy
Argentina is a country built thanks to immigration. At the beginning of the 20th century, it received a large influx of Arab immigrants from the Ottoman Empire, mostly Syrian and Lebanese Christians; this was followed later by smaller waves of Muslim immigrants. It also hosts one of the biggest Jewish communities in the Americas. In the last four decades, Argentine relations with West Asia have been marred by two high-profile bombings: in 1992 against the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires; and in 1994 against the Jewish community center, AMIA. Blame for both incidents has been repeatedly placed, without definitive evidence, on Hezbollah and Iran by Israeli, US, and some Argentine officials.
Under the rule of self-declared “libertarian” President Javier Milei, Argentina has become Tel Aviv’s most ardent ally in the region. But Milei’s support for Israel is not grounded in libertarian values, which traditionally emphasize non-interventionism and skepticism toward foreign entanglements. Rather, his is a messianic, evangelical Zionism that casts Argentina and Israel as joint stewards of “Judeo-Christian” civilization.
Milei’s political rise has been bankrolled by figures like prominent businessman Eduardo Elsztain and marked by overt religious zeal, including affiliations with the ultra-Orthodox Chabad-Lubavitch movement. His government has already begun selling off state assets, opening the door for Israeli firms like Merokot to take control of critical infrastructure under the guise of “efficiency.” While Merokot denies it will privatize Argentina’s water company AySA, it has openly agreed to “advise” on its operations. Argentinian Interior Minister Patricia Bullrich, a long-time pro-Israel hawk, has revived discredited narratives about Hezbollah’s alleged presence in the Tri-border Area to justify deepening Israeli security cooperation against “terrorist activities.” Bullrich’s past arms deals with Israel include drones, radars, and gunboats, and her circle is deeply embedded in Israeli lobbying networks.
In late June, just days before Tel Aviv’s direct military escalation against Iran, Milei visited Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on “terrorism” and “antisemitism.” During his speech, Milei claimed in stark Messianic language that Argentina and Israel were both “beacons of light” in a world ruled by darkness. Milei even proposed launching the “American Friends of the Isaac Accords (AFOIA),” a vehicle to promote Israeli ties across Latin America. He also openly welcomed the Israeli-US assault on Iran, declaring in an interview that the Islamic Republic is “an enemy” of Argentina. Tehran took note of the remark in its formal complaint to the UN, warning that such rhetoric risked entangling Buenos Aires in a confrontation wholly unrelated to its national interests. Argentine opposition figures likewise condemned Milei’s remarks as reckless and dangerously subservient to a foreign agenda.
But Milei’s political survival is uncertain. With the economy in free fall, corruption probes commencing, and legislative elections looming in October, Argentina may soon witness Milei’s collapse, and with it, Tel Aviv’s strategic outpost.
Bolivia: From solidarity to subservience?
The last six years have been a downward spiral for Bolivian politics. After the 2019 coup that ousted former president Evo Morales, the country has suffered chronic political instability, impacting foreign policy too. Bolivia under Morales was a symbol of continental resistance. His decision to sever ties with Tel Aviv, the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador in 2009, and denunciation of Israel as a “terrorist state” in 2014 sent a clear message. Morales aligned Bolivia with ALBA, BRICS+, and forged new partnerships with Iran, Russia, and China.
The 2019 US-backed coup that installed former president Jeanine Anez (2019–2020) reversed these gains. Her government not only restored ties with Israel, but requested its help to suppress indigenous-led protests, praising the occupation state’s “expertise” in dealing with “terrorists.” This principled position was quickly reversed by the 2019 coup, led by pro-American Christian fundamentalists. The Jeanine Anez de facto government restored full diplomatic relations with Israel, and her interior minister, Arturo Murillo, even invited Israeli assistance in crafting Bolivia’s new anti‑terrorism forces, declaring, “They’re used to dealing with terrorists. They know how to handle them.”
When the leftist coalition returned to power in 2020, with Morales’s finance minister Luis Arce now president, Bolivia reinstated some of Morales’s foreign policy direction, including a defense pact with Iran (which hinted at the possibility of Bolivia acquiring cutting-edge Iranian drones) and eventual severing of ties with Israel after its Gaza onslaught in 2023 – internal fractures have weakened the ruling MAS (Movement towards Socialism) party.
The first round of presidential elections this month ended in disaster for the left, with no MAS candidate making the runoff. The contest will now be between center-right Rodrigo Paz and far-right Tuto Quiroga, both staunchly pro-US and likely to restore military and intelligence ties with Tel Aviv. A victory for either will mark the end of Bolivia’s anti-imperialist foreign policy and hand Tel Aviv another foothold in the Andes.
Chile: The last resistance stronghold?
With the largest Palestinian diaspora outside the Arab world, Chile has been a key node in resisting Israeli normalization. Chile’s outgoing President Gabriel Boric publicly clashed with Israeli ambassador Gil Artzyeli, who aggressively targeted pro-Palestine voices across Chilean civil society and politics. Boric’s administration took real steps to sever ties. It co-sponsored genocide proceedings against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC), banned Israeli arms companies from the FIDAE airshow, and began dismantling decades of defense cooperation. In March, Chile withdrew its military attaché from Tel Aviv and voiced support for an arms embargo, with officials openly considering Turkiye as a replacement supplier.
Still, many Chilean activists criticized Boric for refusing to fully break diplomatic ties. Now, with elections looming in November, those gains may be erased. As in the cases of Argentina and Bolivia, the coming Chilean administration will likely be headed by pro-Israel conservatives. The right-wing opposition forces criticized most of Boric’s decisions regarding Israel, claiming that losing such a “strategic partner” could jeopardize Chile’s national security.
Far-right candidate Jose Antonio Kast, a close ally of Milei and a favorite of the Trump camp, is leading the polls. One of his allied forces, the Social-Christian Party, is composed of staunch defenders of Christian Zionism. Kast has filled his party lists with ex-military officials aligned with Chile’s Pinochet-era military establishment, which enjoyed strong ties with Israel. If elected, Kast will almost certainly reverse Boric’s policies. His allies have already signaled plans to criminalize pro-Palestinian activism under the pretext of combating “antisemitism,” echoing recent accusations by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) that Chile is “the most antisemitic country” in Latin America. Similar concerns have also been raised by the US State Department. Even more ominously, discussions are underway to formally designate Hezbollah as a terrorist group in Chile, mirroring recent moves by Argentina. In April, Patricia Bullrich travelled to Santiago to advocate for this agenda.
Argentina has become Tel Aviv’s forward base, Bolivia faces the prospect of reversal, and Chile could soon follow. What happens in these three states will decide whether the occupation state cements a durable presence in Latin America, or whether a resurgent continental resistance closes the door on its ambitions.
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