We found an alarming number of deaths among infants and toddlers shortly after MMR/MMRV vaccination in VAERS — often involving SIDS, seizures, and cardiac arrest.

For decades, Americans have been told that measles represents a grave and ongoing threat — and that MMR vaccination is one of the safest and most effective interventions in modern medicine. Pharma-captured mass media and public health agencies have centered almost exclusively on the minimal dangers of measles infection and ignored grieving parents whose children were injured or even killed by the shots. No proper attention has been paid to signals emerging within the federal government’s own vaccine safety database.

Now, our new McCullough Foundation study titled “Deaths Following MMR and MMRV Vaccination in the United States,” authored by Kirstin Cosgrove, Breanne Craven, Claire Rogers, John A. Catanzaro, Albert Benevides, M. Nathaniel Mead, Mila Radetich, Peter A. McCullough, and Nicolas Hulscher (myself), takes a comprehensive look at reported fatal outcomes following MMR and MMRV vaccination in the United States, doing the work that our public health agencies should have done many years ago.

After analyzing VAERS data through August 29, 2025, we identified a serious mortality safety signal following MMR/MMRV vaccination in the United States.What we observed was not a diffuse or randomly scattered pattern across age groups and time intervals. Instead, we found an alarming number of deaths among infants and toddlers within days of receiving MMR/MMRV vaccines, sharply clustered in the routine first-dose window.

Most fatalities appeared to involve acute deterioration following vaccination, with manifestations including fever, seizures, and cardiac arrest at home, frequently culminating in classification as Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS). A small proportion survived hospitalization but were unable to be resuscitated.

Perhaps most striking is the broader context. Since 1995, there have been 193 U.S. MMR/MMRV vaccine-associated death reports with identifiable dates, compared to 7 measles infection–associated deaths recorded in the United States during the same period. That represents a 2,657% higher count of reported vaccine-associated deaths than measles deaths in the modern era.

Here’s a full breakdown of our findings:

Total MMR/MMRV Death Reports Identified in VAERS

Using the MedAlerts interface to query VAERS from inception through August 29, 2025, we identified:

• 536 total global reports of death following MMR or MMRV vaccination
• 299 reports explicitly attributed to the United States (focus of this study)

VAERS is widely recognized to be substantially underreported. A federally funded investigation led by Lazarus et al. found that fewer than 1% of vaccine adverse events may be reported to national surveillance systems. In other words, VAERS captures only a small fraction of total adverse outcomes.

Measles Vaccinations Vs. Measles Infection

Since 1995:

• 193 U.S. MMR/MMRV death reports with identifiable dates
• 7 measles infection–associated deaths in the United States (CDC surveillance)

This represents a 2,657% higher count of reported vaccine-associated deaths compared to measles deaths over the same period.

This is absolutely absurd. A vaccine should NEVER be deadlier than the disease.

Mortality Concentrated in the First-Dose Age Window

Among the 299 U.S. reports:

• 182 deaths (60.9%) occurred in children under age 2
• 156 deaths (52.2%) occurred between 1.0–1.5 years of age

That 1.0–1.5 year age band corresponds precisely to the routine 12–15 month first MMR dose.

Rather than a gradual distribution across childhood, we observed a sharp concentration during the narrow developmental window when the first dose is typically administered. The age clustering was pronounced and non-uniform.

Most Deaths Occurred Within Two Weeks

Time-to-death analysis demonstrated a strongly front-loaded distribution:

• 120 deaths (40.1%) occurred within 7 days
• 158 deaths (52.8%) occurred within 14 days

Among first-week deaths with available age data, 68.6% occurred in children 1.0–1.5 years old, reinforcing the synchronization between age peak and immediate post-vaccination timing.

The highest concentration of deaths occurred in the immediate days following vaccination — not months or years later.

Majority Occurred During Multi-Vaccine Visits

We also examined concomitant vaccine exposure:

• 74.6% of deaths followed visits involving MMR/MMRV plus one or more additional vaccines
• 25.4% followed MMR/MMRV alone

Recurring Clinical Presentations

Clinical features preceding death showed recurring patterns:

• 24% SIDS or sudden unexplained death
• 15% fever
• 12% seizures
• 8% cardiac arrest
• 7% respiratory distress
• 3% encephalitis

Notably, 68% of SIDS cases occurred in the 1.0–1.5 year age group, mirroring the first-dose window.

Additionally:

• 23.7% involved emergency department visits
• 25.4% involved hospital admissions

Many cases involved documented acute clinical deterioration prior to death.

Taken together, these findings cannot be brushed aside as coincidence or statistical noise. The clustering across age, timing, vaccination context, and recurring clinical presentations forms a coherent and internally consistent signal of death within the federal reporting system itself.

As our study concluded:

We identified a serious mortality safety signal following MMR/MMRV vaccination in the United States. A substantial number of reported deaths were documented, with patterns demonstrating pronounced alignment across age, temporality, routine-dose timing, concomitant vaccine exposure, and recurring clinical presentations—including fever, seizures, SIDS, and cardiac arrest.

Reported deaths were predominantly concentrated in children under 2 years of age, and the majority occurred within the first 14 days following vaccination. The synchronization of age-specific clustering with immediate post-vaccination timing reflects a non-random pattern of mortality. This concern is further amplified by the stark contrast between reported vaccine-associated deaths and the exceedingly rare number of measles infection–associated deaths in the modern era.

The magnitude, concentration, and temporal proximity of these reports demand rigorous, transparent, and fully independent evaluation. Future research should prioritize active surveillance cohort studies, detailed autopsies with virologic testing, and record-linked datasets capable of assessing background mortality and determining causal relationships.

[…]

Via https://www.globalresearch.ca/mmr-mmrv-vaccines-more-us-deaths-measles-infection/5916326

The Taliban is once again making headlines when they recently declared that they will back Iran if, or when the US and Israel launch an attack on the country.

According to a recent report,

“Zabihullah Mujahid, the chief spokesman for the Taliban‑led government in Afghanistan, has said that Afghans are prepared to “cooperate and show sympathy” with the people of Iran if the United States launches a military attack” continued, “Speaking in an interview with the Pashto service of Radio Iran, Mujahid stated that if Tehran requests assistance in the event of a U.S. attack, Afghanistan’s people are ready —within their capacity — to offer cooperation and solidarity.”

Mujahid mentioned Iran’s victory in the 12-day war against the US-Israel attacks back in June saying that Tehran “was victorious in the 12‑day war” and would prevail again because it “has the capability, is in the right, and has the right to defend itself.”

The Jerusalem Post reported that

“In January 2025, the Taliban’s Foreign Minister, Mawlawi Amir KhanMuttaqi, hosted a delegation in Kabul led by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi to discuss multiple issues, including water resources, Afghan migrants, and security of the shared borders.”

Araghchi met with high-level officials of the Taliban-led government including Mohammad Hassan Akhund to most likely, increase cooperation between Afghanistan and Iran.

It was reported by The Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) in the Long War Journal section, which is a Zionist-based think-tank in Washington, D.C. that on June 13th, Taliban spokesman Mujahid had released a statement declaring that

“The Taliban has condemned Israeli strikes on Iranian soil, including the elimination of nuclear personnel, denouncing the attacks as “actions that flagrantly violate the core tenets of international law.”

Mujahid also had criticized Israel and its war on the Gaza Strip,

“These actions unfold at a time when the oppressed people of Palestine, particularly in Gaza, endure relentless and devastating assaults, with the occupying regime persisting in these activities in defiance ofhumanitarian and international norms.”

The Taliban Has Experience in Defeating US Forces

The 911 false-Flag terror attack was eventually blamed on Osama Bin Laden and the US created Al-Qaeda network. So on October 7th, 2001, the Bush regime authorized the US military and their allies to invade Afghanistan to dismantle the Taliban under Operation Enduring Freedom which was supported by the majority of the US population who was in shock after the attacks on the World Trade Center in NYC and the Pentagon. The US and its allies including the UK, Canada and Australia began with a major air campaign attacking cities in Afghanistan including Kabul, Kandahar and Jalalabad with various military aircraft including F- 14’s, F-18s, B-1s, B-2s and B-52 bombers. All sorts of bombs and cruise missiles were also used by the US and British Navies. Special operation forces from the US and UK were also on the ground during the operation.

However, the ‘Graveyard of Empires’ added the US empire to its list as the Taliban regained its power after the US withdrew its military on August 15, 2021. The US government spent more than $2.3 trillion on the war with over 2,400 U.S. military deaths and more than 20,000 injured. Under the Trump regime, the US military left behind billions of dollars of military equipment (which the Taliban now owns) in a botched attempt to exit Afghanistan.

The Trump regime has indirectly inspired the Taliban to take-up arms along with Yemen, Lebanon (Hezbollah) and Iraqi resistance groups if they decide to attack Iran. World War III is now a reality that will change the geopolitics of the world as Trump is getting close to making a rash decision to attack Iran. The question is, what is the Trump regime willing to do to remain a hegemonic power in the Middle East and beyond when the growing resistance is prepared to fight until the end? Will Washington decide to use a nuclear weapon on the Middle East if they realize that they are about to lose the war?

[…]

Via https://www.globalresearch.ca/taliban-joins-axis-resistance/5916556

Last week, Israel “reopened” the Rafah crossing. Twelve Palestinians were allowed to return home. Twelve people who chose to return to Gaza, despite knowing they might be killed again, because they would rather die on their land than live as strangers in countries that will never be home. This followed a “master plan” for Gaza submitted by Israel and the United States for Gaza which both rejected Palestinian input and omitted widespread Palestinian return as an option. And then news broke that Omar Shakir from Human Rights Watch resigned after a report his team produced on the Palestinian Right of Return was killed by his own organization.

At a time when return is most critical to Palestinian survival, the world is working to make it seem impossible and punishing those who would advocate for it. Every “peace plan” offers Palestinians everything except the one thing that matters: the right to go home. All these recent stories show us that the question of Palestinian return to their land continues to be a question of whether Palestinians are allowed to exist as a people at all.

The right of return is the right of Palestinians who were expelled or forced to flee their homes in 1948 and after to return to those homes, to reclaim their property, and to live there in dignity. It is an individual and collective right recognized under international law that does not expire over time, through political negotiation, or with changes in sovereignty.

But the right of return is more than an obscure legal right. The right of return is inseparable from our identity as Palestinians and is necessary for our right to determine our future.

Where I live in Michigan, there is a child from Gaza who is receiving treatment for a prosthetic leg through HEAL Palestine. When I spoke to him, he told me all of his entire extended family who had been martyred during the genocide, except for one brother. But he still wants to go back to Gaza, to rebuild, and to one day die where his family died.

Why would anyone choose this? Why would someone who lost everything return to a place that has seemingly lost everything, too? Why does this specific land matter so much that people would rather die there than live safely somewhere else?

For Palestinians, land is not a passive setting for life. It is the fabric of Palestinian existence itself, woven into identity, memory, and continuity across generations. I haven’t been home in many years, but I still remember the way the sun feels on my skin there. How the warmth somehow feels warmer. How the scent of olive trees and yansoon makes every corner store and outside market feel like home. To be Palestinian is to carry your name and your country in your blood, as Mahmoud Darwish wrote, it is to “suffer from incurable malady: Hope.”

The Palestinians in Gaza, who have survived two years of genocidal bombardment, still wake up every morning Palestinian. Still teach their children Arabic. Still tell them stories about villages their great-grandparents loved. The Palestinians in the West Bank plant olive trees, knowing they may never harvest them, because planting is an act of faith in the future. They rebuild homes that get demolished because they have no other choice. They have children because raising Palestinian children is a revolution in itself to those who claim there is no such thing as Palestinians.

When the Nakba started in 1948, over 750,000 Palestinians were expelled, over 50% of the total Palestinian population at the time. Over 400 villages were destroyed, and over 70% of Historic Palestine was stolen. As Rabea Eghbariah argues, the Nakba is a daily violence that encompasses the displacement, occupation, apartheid, and genocide, concurrently and simultaneously.

The Nakba fragmented the Palestinian people demographically, severed them from territorial integrity, and destroyed the social infrastructure necessary for collective governance. Families were scattered across refugee camps in Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria. Communities were broken apart, with some ending up in the West Bank, some in Gaza, some in what became Israel, and some fleeing to the diaspora. This fragmentation made it so that Palestinian self-determination would be impossible, as we could not govern as a unified people.

.The refugee camp was supposed to be temporary, but it became permanent. The Oslo Accords were supposed to lead to statehood. They delivered 30 years of expanding settlements and deepening apartheid. Every framework offered to Palestinians has demanded that we accept less than what was stolen. Every negotiation has started from the premise that 1948 is the past, that what happened then is too far gone to correct, that Palestinians should accept what exists now, and move forward. But you cannot have Palestinian self-determination without addressing the Nakba, because the Nakba is ongoing.

You cannot have Palestinian self-determination without the right of return.

Palestinian self-determination cannot exist without return because there is no Palestinian people separable from Palestine. Palestinian identity is inseparable from this specific land: from Jaffa’s oranges and Haifa’s sea, from the olive groves of Jenin and the hills of Jerusalem. To say Palestinians can have self-determination somewhere else is to say Palestinians can cease to be Palestinian and become something else entirely.

Self-determination is defined under international law as the right of peoples to freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. But for Palestinians, this cannot happen in exile. Our economic development was tied to agriculture, with specific crops and seasons on specific land. Our social development was structured around village life and extended family networks rooted in place. Our cultural development emerged from the landscape itself, our poetry about olive trees, our cuisine built from what the land provided, and our entire way of being in the world was shaped by the geography we came from.

The claim that Palestinians can exercise self-determination in a truncated state on 22% of historic Palestine, or in refugee camps, or in diaspora, is a claim that Palestinians can be severed from what makes us Palestinian.

For Palestinians, Return is self-determination. It is the claim that we remain a people tied to that specific territory, that our exile doesn’t expire. Almost eight decades of displacement have fragmented us demographically, but it has not destroyed the fundamental truth that we belong to that land and it belongs to us.

This is why the right of return remains the ultimate test for supporting Palestinians. Return requires acknowledging that Israel is a settler colony built on ethnic cleansing. That the “only democracy in the Middle East” is actually an apartheid state. That is what happened in 1948 is the foundational crime that structures everything that has happened since.

Supporting return means accepting that stealing land does not become legal just because you hold it long enough and kill enough of its people. It means accepting that indigenous peoples have claims to their land that survive occupation, that persist through genocide, that cannot be extinguished by time or violence. And peace requires justice, and justice requires return, and return requires admitting that the entire Zionist project was built on a crime that must be corrected.

Israel claims return is impossible. But in Rwanda, the “inalienable right” of Tutsi refugees to return after 34 years in exile was recognized, even though their return would shift the country’s ethnic balance. Bosnia made refugee return a central part of its peace agreement, stating that “all refugees and displaced persons have the right freely to return to their homes of origin.” Cyprus has upheld Greek Cypriot return claims for 50 years despite Turkish occupation. Kosovo included in its 2008 constitution a provision recognizing the right of all citizens who lived there before 1998 to return, regardless of current citizenship or political loyalties.

These precedents prove return is possible. Return is only impossible if you insist on maintaining the crime that created displacement in the first place.

Over 70,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, averaging 91 deaths per day for 24 months. Independent estimates show the death toll reaching 680,000, primarily women and children. 70% of all structures in Gaza have been destroyed or damaged, including 92% of housing. Every single university has been bombed. 95% of schools have been damaged or destroyed. Almost 1,600 healthcare workers have been murdered. Over 1,000 Palestinians seeking aid have been shot and killed by Israeli forces.

We will return to this. To cities reduced to rubble. To fields poisoned by white phosphorus. To water systems destroyed. To hospitals bombed. We will return to graves we must dig up to rebury properly. Palestinians will return to the absence of everyone they loved who didn’t survive. Palestinians will return to land that has been soaked in our blood for 78 years.

And we will rebuild. Because that is what Palestinians do. We refuse to disappear, and we will return because we never left. But we will not return as grateful refugees begging for shelter in our own homeland. We will return as a people who survived genocide, who resisted ethnic cleansing, who refused to be erased. We will return with our dignity intact and our rights uncompromised, because anything less perpetuates the colonial logic that created this catastrophe.

[…]

Via https://www.globalresearch.ca/palestinian-right-return-issue/5916423