Israeli-US Military Merger at Risk

[…]

The question is whether to institutionalize political and military power for Israel at the expense of the credibility of US government: if the 2027 NDAA cannot pass this Congressional Session, it will be required to wait until a new Session of Congress occurs in January, when the House will take another vote on an already controversial and divisive legislation.

On November 10, 12 US Senators sent a letter to Congressional leadership requesting the removal of three objectionable portions of the 2027 NDAA which focus on the merging of Israeli government’s military and intelligence relationship with the US relationship.

The letter was addressed to Senate Majority Leader John Thune, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, House Speaker Mike Johnson, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, and the senior Republican and Democratic members of the House and Senate Armed Services Committees.

The signatories include incoming Majority Whip Brian Schatz and incoming Appropriations Committee Chair Patty Murray with Senators Chris Van Hollen, Elizabeth Warren, Peter Welch, Ed Markey, Jeff Merkley, Tina Smith, Tammy Duckworth, Ron Wyden, and Andy Kim.

The 2027 National Defense Authorization Act was approved by the House on July 22nd and has been awaiting final approval by the Senate.

At issue are Section 1217 of the Senate Armed Services Committee’s version of the defense authorization bill and Section 219 of the House-passed legislation which would mandate the creation of a “United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative” intended to expand and accelerate bilateral defense with Israel cooperation.

The senators warned that such arrangements could place sensitive American technologies increasingly within Israel’s reach and create long-term dependencies within the US defense industry.

“The agreements and projects these provisions envision threaten US national security interests by handing Israel leverage over American weapons systems and military technology,” the lawmakers wrote.

Further, the Senators argued that

“If enacted, these agreements would create long-term dependencies by embedding Israeli technology into the US defense industrial base that could make future policy changes costly or difficult to implement.”

The letter directly criticized Netanyahu’s efforts to redefine the US-Israel defense relationship, arguing that the proposed legislation could advance an Israeli initiative to shift bilateral cooperation away from traditional American military assistance quoting a letter from Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Rep. Martin Stutzman (R-Ind.).

“I was glad to receive your proposed Congressional resolution endorsing my plan to shift the framework of US-Israeli defense cooperation from aid to partnership,” Netanyahu wrote.

The Senators wrote in their letter that

“The intention behind this is clear: to move US security assistance governed through more traditional pathways, like Foreign Military Financing and arms sales, to more opaque, less discernible avenues.”

In other words, the US is at risk of losing its independence and international leadership to Israel.

The Senators also sought the removal of a third measure, Section 618 of the Fiscal Year 2027 Intelligence Authorization Act, which the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence had included in legislation intended to become part of the final NDAA.

“The provision would tie the President’s hands from limiting intelligence sharing with Israel, even when doing so may be necessary to protect US national security,” the Senators wrote.

“For all these reasons, we should not legally mandate an expansion in defense co-production or a requirement to increase intelligence sharing with the Government of Israel”.

The Senators argue that decisions should remain subject to independent American national security assessments rather than being embedded in long-term statutory commitments and whether decisions could ultimately reduce America’s freedom to make its own national security decisions.

The essential point here is that the House-approved $1.14 trillion 2027 National Defense Authorization Act occurred on July 22, 2026 during  the 119th Session of Congress. The vote of 219-212 was considered by Republicans as a vote of approval on the Iran War with 209 GOP votes included six Democrats.   

Unless the Senate approves HR 8800 between now and January 3rd when the 119th Session ends, that House approval will no longer be relevant and will necessitate a repeat when the 120th Session of Congress begins.

Therefore, the NDAA will have to be approved again by another House floor vote adding urgency to the Senate’s current refusal.

The 119th Session of Congress ends on January 3, 2027 as the 120th Session of Congress convenes exactly on January 3rd 2027 at 12:00 pm EST beginning the legislative calendar anew.

[…]

Via https://www.globalresearch.ca/israeli-us-military-merger-risk/5945672

‘Seismic Shift’: Medicare to Reimburse Doctors for Diagnosing, Treating Vaccine Injuries

by Michael Nevradakis, Ph.D.

Medicare will reimburse doctors for the cost of diagnosing and treating suspected vaccine-related adverse effects, according to a new Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) policy announced last week and published today in the Federal Register.

Under the rule, CMS will introduce billing code G0576 to reimburse physicians and other eligible Medicare providers for every 15 minutes of qualifying work evaluating, diagnosing, treating or counseling patients with suspected vaccine-related adverse reactions.

The reimbursement payment will be in addition to what Medicare already pays for a standard office visit.

Doctors can qualify for reimbursement by documenting when the suspected adverse reaction occurred in relation to vaccination, evaluating other possible causes of the patient’s symptoms and maintaining supporting medical records.

A CMS spokesperson told The Defender that reimbursement would not depend on a final determination that a vaccine caused the reported symptoms.

“Physicians will not be paid based on whether a report is ultimately determined to be related to a vaccine, nor would reimbursement change the standard for evaluating those reports,” the spokesperson said.

CMS framed the new code as a way to support the Trump administration’s Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) initiative.

“Medicare should reward clinicians for keeping people healthy,” U.S. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. said in a statement.

Last month, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) referenced the initiative when it launched a federal Vaccine Injury Center. At the time, HHS officials said doctors would be reimbursed for time spent reporting suspected vaccine injuries to the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS).

However, the final rule does not explicitly authorize or exclude reimbursement for submitting VAERS reports, leaving it unclear whether physicians can bill for time spent completing and submitting the reports.

CMS did not answer a follow-up request by press time seeking clarification on whether G0576 covers the time spent completing and submitting VAERS reports.

The code, which will also apply to telehealth visits, takes effect Jan. 1, 2027.

‘A pro-science move’

In a Facebook post last week, MAHA Action, a nonprofit advocacy group supporting the MAHA agenda, said the new policy is part of “HHS’s broader push to strengthen vaccine injury research, reporting, and patient care.”

Tony Lyons, president of MAHA Action, told The Defender the new policy changes the incentive structure for American physicians “for the first time in a generation” and is part of “a seismic shift in the way our government learns about, responds to, treats and compensates for vaccine injuries.”

Groups representing the vaccine-injured also welcomed the policy. Brianne Dressen, co-founder of React19, an advocacy group for vaccine-injured people and their families, said the new policy follows years of advocacy.

“We actually met with CMS back in 2025 and asked them to do this,” Dressen said. “I am glad to see they have been able to get this across the finish line.”

Dressen said her group “fully supports” the new policy, calling it “a pro-science move” that may help physicians treat serious vaccine injuries that are “some of the most complicated conditions for them to treat.”

“More complicated means more time required one on one with the patient, more time researching the injury and overlapping comorbidities, and time collaborating with other providers. All of that time costs money,” Dressen said.

However, some medical organizations questioned the new policy. In a September letter to CMS Administrator Mehmet Oz, the American Academy of Family Physicians said the code “overlaps with existing codes” and that CMS should more clearly distinguish the services it covers from those already reimbursable.

The group added that it “does not expect the code will be frequently used,” because vaccine reactions “are not typical” and are usually mild.

But Dr. Michelle Perro, a pediatrician, welcomed the new code — and the federal government’s “recognition that evaluating a vaccine injury requires time, clinical investigation and follow-up.”

Will Medicaid and private insurers cover the new code?

The new code will be valid for Medicare patients, most of whom are 65 or older. However, it doesn’t automatically require state Medicaid programs or commercial insurers to provide the same reimbursement.

Medicaid is jointly funded by the federal government and individual states, which administer their own programs. While many state Medicaid programs choose to adopt CMS codes and mirror the Medicare fee schedule, they are not federally mandated to do so.

Medicare Advantage plans, administered by private insurers under federal contracts, must generally cover the same medically necessary services as traditional Medicare.

However, insurers can negotiate different reimbursement rates with participating physicians, meaning the new CMS billing code does not necessarily guarantee them additional payment under Medicare Advantage.

While private commercial insurance plans use standardized medical billing codes, they are not obligated to reimburse every code recognized by Medicare.

The CMS spokesperson told The Defender that the new code will be “available for other payers to use.”

The Defender contacted 24 major private insurers and insurance plans to ask whether they intend to reimburse providers under G0576 beginning in 2027. A spokesperson for CVS Health responded, “We are reviewing the new code and continue to comply with CMS program requirements.”

Unclear if CMS will reimburse time spent filing VAERS reports

Although HHS initially highlighted reimbursement for VAERS reporting, the final CMS rule focuses on clinical evaluation and management of suspected vaccine injuries. It remains unclear whether time spent filing reports qualifies for payment under G0576.

One reason for this may be that doctors are already legally obligated to file such reports for suspected vaccine injuries in certain situations.

For instance, under the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act of 1986, healthcare providers are required to report specified adverse events occurring within designated time periods after vaccination, and reactions or injuries identified by manufacturers as contraindications to further doses.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention encourages reporting “clinically significant” adverse events following vaccination, even when it is uncertain if the vaccine caused them.

In practice, vaccine injuries have traditionally been underreported and undercounted. A 2011 Harvard Pilgrim study found that fewer than 1% of vaccine-related adverse events are reported to VAERS.

Physicians ‘need training’ on how to identify, treat vaccine injuries

Some physicians and advocates for the vaccine-injured said doctors have long been reluctant to evaluate patients for potential vaccine-related adverse events or to consider a possible link between vaccination and those injuries, and that they receive limited training to recognize or treat such injuries.

“Most Medicare-accepting clinicians do not know how to identify and treat vaccine injuries,” said pediatrician Dr. Elizabeth Mumper. “They need training on how to recognize those injuries.” Until such training occurs, the CMS code likely “won’t be adequate to heal the vaccine-injured.”

According to Perro, while physicians “have long been able to bill for evaluating and treating adverse reactions to medications,” there are currently no billable medical codes for vaccine-related adverse events.

Advocates said the new CMS policy may help encourage doctors to perform such evaluations and treatments.

“Patients reporting vaccine adverse effects have long said they struggle to find doctors willing or able to devote enough time to their cases. Now Medicare is creating a specific pathway to support that care,” MAHA Action wrote.

Perro said the success of the new code will depend on whether “physicians know about the code, whether payment adequately supports the work and whether patients can find clinicians prepared to investigate their symptoms.”

Could new code create inappropriate financial incentives for doctors?

The new policy also raises questions about whether additional reimbursement could encourage physicians to attribute symptoms to vaccination, similarly to how physicians are financially incentivized to administer recommended childhood vaccinations — a practice often criticized by medical freedom advocates.

Perro said such incentives “deserve scrutiny,” and that the payments “should support meticulous clinical work without rewarding a predetermined conclusion.”

“A physician should be paid for taking a history, examining the patient, considering alternative explanations, documenting findings and developing a treatment plan. That work has value, whether the eventual conclusion supports an adverse reaction to a vaccine or not,” Perro said.

Dressen questioned the notion that physicians would “profit” from diagnosing vaccine injuries under the new policy. She said evaluating suspected vaccine injuries is often a complex and expensive process, prompting some physicians to switch to cash-pay practices rather than rely on insurance reimbursement.

“No doctors we work with at React19 are ‘profiting’ off of treating injured patients. They typically have to offset the loss of seeing these complex patients with other patients,” Dressen said.

Lyons said the new plan will incentivize physicians to treat patients rather than to prescribe potentially unnecessary medications or treatments.

“Doctors, if this works out as planned, will be able to make more money by doing things that improve the health outcomes of their patients than they previously made by overmedicalizing them. This is a truly epic development in the history of medicine,” Lyons said.

The CMS spokesperson said the new plan will also contribute to improved vaccine safety monitoring — a key MAHA tenet. Last year, Kennedy promised better vaccine injury tracking as part of the administration’s MAHA agenda.

“Rigorous surveillance, follow-up investigation, and transparency about what the evidence shows are essential to giving Americans accurate information and rebuilding public trust,” the spokesperson stated.

Perro said the policy could also “make patients more willing to bring forward their concerns about vaccine injuries.” Greater recognition and documentation of suspected reactions, she said, “could also improve safety monitoring.”

Via https://tdefender.substack.com/p/medicare-reimburse-doctors-vaccine-injury-diagnosis-treatment

US House Democratic leader calls for ‘dramatic change’ in US policy toward Israel

The Cradle

13 Nov, 2026

US House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries called for “dramatic change” in US policy toward Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories on Thursday, reiterating his support for a ‘two-state solution.’ Jeffries, expected to become the next House speaker, also called for changes to US military assistance to Israel, which currently amounts to $3.8 billion annually.

His remarks come as Democrats prepare to take control of both chambers of Congress on 3 January, following sweeping midterm victories. Several incoming Democratic lawmakers campaigned against military aid to Israel and the US-Israeli war on Iran, raising expectations of increased scrutiny of Washington’s support for Tel Aviv.

Via https://t.me/thecradlemedia/70960

Israel Kidnaps Lebanese Stone Worker

Lebanon state media reports fresh Israeli strikes in south | Malay Mail

The Cradle

13 Nov, 2026

Israeli occupation forces have kidnapped Lebanese citizen Ali Hussein Sheet from his workplace at a stone factory in Kfar Kila, southern Lebanon, according to Bint Jbeil News.

Sheet is the second person abducted in the past three days, following the recent abduction and subsequent release of a man from Naqoura.

Israel is currently holding at least 40 Lebanese citizens in captivity, with no information regarding their whereabouts or well-being.

Via https://t.me/thecradlemedia/70983

Iraq revives decades-old oil export route through Syria amid Hormuz disruptions

The Cradle

13 Nov, 2026

Iraq has revived a decades-old overland export route through Syria to transport crude oil to international markets as disruptions to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz amid the US-Israeli war on Iran force Baghdad to seek alternative export corridors, according to Reuters.

Qatari energy firm UCC Holding began trucking between 120,000 and 150,000 barrels per day from Iraq’s southern oilfields to Syria’s Baniyas port last month under a contract with state oil marketer SOMO. The company plans to expand its fleet to 10,000 trucks, with the crude subsequently shipped to refineries across the Mediterranean.

Since the agreement took effect on 26 October, UCC has transported around 1.6 million barrels. However, logistical constraints are expected to limit further increases in shipments.

Via https://t.me/thecradlemedia/70969

Remember the 200+ Canadian doctors who died suddenly after taking COVID-19 Vaccines?

Image
Dr Makis
Nov 9, 2026

Remember the 200+ Canadian doctors who died suddenly after taking COVID-19 Vaccines?

Their deaths were covered-up by the Canadian Medical Association

@CMA_Docs, which erased all of them from their “In Memoriam” webpage in 2023.

Turns out CMA got $780,000 from Pfizer and then had a steady stream of $10k full page Pfizer ads for years at the same time they were erasing dead Canadian doctors from their own website

I saved one of those Pfizer ads.

The largest Canadian doctor association deliberately covered-up sudden deaths of its own members because they were getting millions in Pfizer dollars.

Obsolete and Overdue: Withdrawing US Forces from the Gulf

[…]

The Gulf Arab states are the latest to learn this lesson from the United States, whose guardianship credentials have been looking particularly shabby of late. Having not sought the conflict with Iran that the US, in collusion with Israel, started at the end of February, they now face the prospect of a diminished American presence once hostilities with Tehran end.

For decades, the Gulf Cooperation Council states sought to create a defence order based on gluttonous arms purchases and extensive offerings to US military personnel in terms of bases and facilities, the assumption being that this would guarantee them against attack. While the presumptive attacker in that case was Iran, the GCC states did not spare diplomacy in attempting to mollify Tehran, adopting a conscious policy of distancing from US-Israeli policy. The presence of US forces, in offering that insurance of security, also encouraged those in the Gulf region to advertise grandly as destinations for stable investment, capital and labour (however shoddy the conditions), sheltered by the comforts of the US imperial shield.

The American promissory note guaranteeing Gulf security was spectacularly invalidated in the opening days of March. Shortly after the first US-Israeli strikes hit Iranian soil, retaliation from Tehran came in an expansive spray of attacks on GCC states. These caused fires in the vicinity of luxury accommodation in Dubai.

Kuwait’s international airport was disrupted. The Aramco facility in Ras Tanura, responsible for the production of more than half-a-million barrels of oil per day, was targeted and damaged.  As the strikes continued, it also became clear that the exorbitantly priced defences long marshalled by the states came to very little. Sophisticated anti-missile technology, for instance, could barely account for swift, stealthy drones of cheaper make yet devastating effect. By mid-July, the US itself had used up over 1,700 Patriot interceptors and over 200 THAAD missiles in the Middle East.

The debate among the policy wonks and wags is that American influence in the region has not only received a bruising, but a bruising with consequence.

“For the first time since the great powers dismembered the Ottoman empire a century ago,” declares The Economist with haughty certitude, “the Middle East’s overarching order will no longer be imposed from afar.”

American attempts to shape the region had “run their course.”  As with previous powers – Britain, France, Russia – the US would still be involved in so far as its interests demanded it. Force and interventions were not to be permanently shelved. “But it will abandon its role as architect.”

The pages of Foreign Affairs are also filled with the symptoms of imminent troop withdrawal.  Dana Stroul, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Middle East in the Biden administration, suggests moving US forces (the stock weasel word is always “redeployment”) away from the Persian Gulf. Michael Fuchs, former Special Assistant to President Joe Biden and former Deputy Chief of Staff to Vice President Kamala Harris is even more blunt in light of the “failed Iran War”, suggesting it to be a “spur for a long-overdue withdrawal.”

The debate favouring withdrawal from the Gulf has gathered such momentum as to worry the coterie of jodhpur imperialists who still insist on the sacrosanct role of US power. F. Gregory Gause III of Texas A&M University is almost panicked by this outbreak of Middle East retreatism, proposing that “a better option would be a prudent reconsideration of the US basing structure in the Gulf, engaged in jointly with the Gulf states that continue to want to host and support the American presence.”

To add formidable insult to smarting injury, President Donald Trump is also of the view that the costs of the catastrophe he was instrumental in unleashing should be covered by regional allies. Making the absurd claim that Washington protected these states in the first place, having demonstrably shown the opposite to be the case,

Trump told CBS News that they “are going to pay us back any and all costs that we’ve had for the war.” Without the US, “they would not exist.”

Just to add some fiery topping to the commentary, the president also bracketed Israel in their company.

“Without us, Israel would not exist.”

The focus on the part of the Gulf states will invariably be one of introspection followed by arrangements for an intra-defence system sharpened by the lessons of the Iran War. Collaborative associations with other states – Turkey and Pakistan, for instance – are bound to become even more attractive (witness Riyadh’s move in that direction with the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement), though any military component will be hampered by a continuing addiction to American weapons systems that require continuous technical support and maintenance from Washington. Then there is the GCC Unified Military Command, formerly known as the Peninsula Shield Force. Its effectiveness, always subsidiary given the heavy reliance on American brawn, may be revisited. To do that, however, the Gulf states will have to set aside their own grumbling differences – indeed, a tall order. US power, in the meantime, will continue to be eclipsed.

Via https://www.globalresearch.ca/withdrawing-us-forces-gulf/5945652

Yalta 2.0 Unlikely Because US Can’t Compete Geoeconomically

[…]

The renewed speculation about a trilateral meeting on the sidelines of an international gathering, possibly the APEC summit, has been presented in parts of the American press as a step toward a new Yalta, yet that label is disingenuous because no such formal settlement is confirmed and Russia has not been the party publicly calling for a Yalta-style summit. The reports instead describe a possible leaders’ meeting whose purpose and format remain unconfirmed, while the Yalta comparison has been pushed largely by US media retellings rather than by any confirmed Russian request for a formal division of the world into spheres of influence.

The renewed talk of a Yalta 2.0 reflects a misreading of both history and the current strategic posture of the United States and the idea of a trilateral summit between the US, Russian and Chinese leaders to formally divide the world into spheres of influence has been floated in recent months with reports suggesting that such a meeting could take place on the sidelines of a major diplomatic gathering.

This proposal draws an explicit parallel to the 1945 conference where the victorious powers of the Second World War set the terms of the postwar order, but a careful examination of Washington’s behavior reveals that the United States is not preparing for a negotiated geoeconomic settlement among equals. The US system lacks both the domestic capacity and the strategic will to engage in the kind of sustained geoeconomic competition that a genuine multipolar concert would require and what Washington seeks instead is the restoration of a unipolar arrangement through coercive financial and military pressure, a course that is already demonstrating its own severe limitations.

[…]

The primary obstacle to a Yalta 2.0 is the fundamental mismatch between the rhetoric of a grand bargain and the reality of US economic statecraft, because a true geoeconomic competition would involve the United States building alternative productive capacities, offering attractive development finance to the Global South and competing for market share through superior infrastructure and industrial output. Washington has shown no sustained willingness to do any of these things and the US manufacturing base has suffered from decades of neglect with infrastructure decay and a policy environment that often discourages long-term investment.

Moreover, even high-profile efforts to revive domestic industry through tariffs have failed to produce meaningful results, as supply chains remain deeply integrated with partners and competitors alike and corporate investment commitments frequently turn out to be repackaged existing spending rather than new productive capacity. The United States has struggled to provide a credible alternative to Chinese development finance, repeatedly criticizing Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative without offering a comparable vehicle for infrastructure investment that recipient countries actually find attractive and a power that cannot build at home and will not finance abroad is in no position to negotiate a stable division of global economic space from a position of strength.

The strategic logic driving the Yalta 2.0 discussion is therefore not a genuine embrace of multipolarity but a tactical maneuver born of relative decline, because the long-standing US objective has been to restore the unipolar moment by coercing rivals into submission rather than by outcompeting them. The instruments favored by Washington are financial sanctions, tariff threats and military pressure, all of which are designed to force other states to accept unfavorable terms rather than to create a durable framework for coexistence and this approach treats geoeconomics not as a domain of productive competition but as a weapon of denial.

The problem is that these weapons are blunt and increasingly ineffective and sanctions have failed to derail the Chinese economy or to force a change in Russian behavior while tariff campaigns have not reversed the underlying erosion of US industrial capacity. The effort to coerce China into a lopsided trade arrangement that would derail its rise is a central feature of this strategy, but it has not succeeded in producing the desired submission and a Yalta 2.0 would require the United States to accept the permanence of a multipolar world and to bargain within it, which is precisely what the current US strategic consensus refuses to do.

The decisive point is that once Washington cannot mount a grand geoeconomic strategy, any Yalta-style negotiation loses its positive content and becomes a demand for unilateral restraint by others, because a United States that cannot offer competitive infrastructure finance, reliable supply chains, or attractive market access can only ask Russia and China to limit their own industrial policies, refrain from deepening strategic coordination, accept dollar-centered financial discipline and accommodate US firms that are no longer competitive.

That is not a stable settlement among equals but a request for self-sabotage by states that have no reason to accept it and Russian and Chinese leaders would see such a proposal as a demand that they go against their own interests in order to preserve a declining and non-competitive United States and no rational leadership in Moscow or Beijing would accept such terms when the alternative is continued development on its own terms. The Yalta 2.0 idea therefore reduces to an attempt to freeze the advantages of a power that has lost the capacity to compete, which is why it cannot form the basis of a durable agreement.

The internal contradictions of the US position make a stable trilateral settlement highly improbable, because the Russian and Chinese leaderships have little reason to believe that Washington would honor a spheres-of-influence agreement when its stated objective remains the restoration of unipolar primacy. From Moscow’s perspective the United States has repeatedly used its financial power to punish states that deviate from US preferences and the dollar system remains a source of coercive leverage rather than a neutral public good.

From Beijing’s perspective the US campaign to restrict access to technology and to build exclusionary economic blocs demonstrates that Washington is not prepared to compete on the basis of productivity and innovation but instead seeks to sabotage the productive capacities of its rivals and a genuine Yalta 2.0 would require the United States to abandon these methods and to accept a world in which no single power dictates the rules of economic exchange while the US political system, which remains deeply attached to the idea of exceptionalism and primacy, shows no signs of making such an adjustment.

The historical analogy itself exposes the weakness of the Yalta 2.0 concept, because the 1945 conference took place among allies who had just defeated a common enemy and who possessed the industrial and military capacity to enforce the settlement they reached. The current situation is entirely different, since there is no common enemy and the three powers in question have deeply conflicting interests and visions for the global order and moreover the United States is not in a position to dictate terms to either Russia or China, both of which have demonstrated their ability to withstand US pressure and to build alternative economic and security arrangements. The Yalta precedent also carries a cautionary lesson for those who advocate a new division of the world, namely that such settlements tend to produce new conflicts rather than lasting stability and a power that enters a negotiation from a position of declining geoeconomic strength cannot expect to secure a favorable outcome.

The most likely trajectory is not a grand trilateral settlement but a continuation of contested multipolarity in which the United States pursues coercive strategies that are increasingly disconnected from its actual economic capabilities and the Yalta 2.0 idea will remain a talking point in diplomatic circles and a subject of speculation in the media but it will not become a reality because the United States is not prepared to do what such a settlement would require. A genuine geoeconomic competition demands patience, productive investment and a willingness to accept that other powers will have a say in shaping the rules of the global economy and Washington has shown no inclination to embrace any of these requirements, so until it does the prospect of a new Yalta will remain an illusion and the world will continue to muddle through a period of unstable multipolarity with the US trying to impose its will on others.

Via https://www.globalresearch.ca/yalta-2-unlikely-us-does-not-want-compete-geoeconomically/5945729

US taxpayer coalition submits evidence at ICC seeking arrest warrants for Trump, Rubio for aiding Israel’s genocide in Gaza

(Photo credit: Mouneb Taim/Anadolu via Getty Images))

NOV 12, 2026

Evidence presented by the coalition shows that Israel could not have carried out its genocide in Gaza without Trump and Rubio’s direct support

The Taxpayer Alliance Against Genocide (TAAG) submitted evidence to the International Criminal Court (ICC) on 11 November, seeking arrest warrants for US President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio for enabling Israel’s genocide of Palestinians in Gaza.

TAAG presented the filing at a press conference in The Hague on behalf of a coalition of US taxpayers, human rights lawyers, and activists.

The filing includes sworn testimony from doctors who served in Gaza, eyewitness and whistleblower accounts, video footage, and records documenting Washington’s military, financial, diplomatic, and political backing for Israel.

“We urge the Office of the Prosecutor to act quickly on this evidence,” TAAG co-founder Seth Donnelly said, adding that the submission meets the legal bar for warrants against both men, after US federal courts had proven unable “again and again and again” to confront the crime.

The 28-page document holds Trump directly responsible for releasing about 1,800 previously withheld 2,000-pound bombs to the Israeli military.

The filing also points to his protection of individuals and entities that Washington itself had implicated in violence and dispossession in the occupied West Bank by lifting sanctions on them.

Rubio is implicated in arms deals that the State Department and the Defense Security Cooperation Agency approved after February 2025, covering everything from Hellfire missiles and guidance kits to 2,000-pound bomb casings and penetrator warheads.

The submission accuses both men of aiding and abetting a genocide that has killed at least 74,500 Palestinians in Gaza over the past three years. The death toll is expected to rise significantly once all remains are recovered.

Washington has pursued a years-long campaign to cripple the ICC and shield Israel, along with US officials, from accountability for the genocide in Gaza and other war crimes.

The US imposed sweeping sanctions on the ICC last month, cutting the court itself off from US financial services, technology firms, and the US dollar, with Rubio vowing to cripple “its ability to operate against us.”

These measures threaten the banking, insurance, and technology services the ICC relies on to function.

Washington has sanctioned half of the court’s 18 judges and much of its leadership, including its president and chief prosecutor.

It also urged NATO allies to help “systematically dismantle” the institution and pushed African states to abandon the Rome Statute.

The campaign to destroy the ICC began in November 2024, when the ICC issued arrest warrants for war criminal and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former war minister Yoav Gallant over their leading role in the genocide in Gaza.

Via https://thecradle.co/articles/us-taxpayer-coalition-submits-evidence-at-icc-seeking-arrest-warrants-for-trump-rubio-for-aiding-israels-genocide-in-gaza

Iraq, Turkiye, Pakistan defy US pressure, refuse to seal borders with Iran

(Photo credit: Banaras Khan/AFP)

The Cradle

NOV 12, 2026

Tehran’s neighbors remain heavily reliant on Iranian energy and trade, while analysts warn that the US has become an increasingly ‘unreliable ally’

US efforts to pressure Iran’s neighboring states to close their land borders had failed, stalling Washington’s campaign to cripple the Iranian economy, the New York Times (NYT) reported on 11 November.

According to three Iraqi officials and a US official cited by the US daily, Washington has spent weeks urging Turkiye, Iraq, and Pakistan to close their border crossings with Iran.

The US military has since launched Task Force Iron Gate, a Central Command (CENTCOM) unit tasked with blocking weapons, sanctioned goods, and illicit revenue from crossing Iran’s land borders and the Caspian Sea, thereby escalating Washington’s economic war on Tehran.

Several of Iran’s neighbors have warned that cutting off trade routes vital to businesses and communities on both sides of the frontier could provoke “civil insurrection,” according to the US official.

He added that the pressure has stirred growing anger toward Washington among its allies and partners in the region.

Turkiye has largely maintained its border policies, while Baghdad has rejected US calls to keep only two Iranian crossings open. It briefly sealed one or two as a concession, angering Iraqis.

Pakistan has reportedly closed and reopened several crossings in recent weeks, citing security and administrative concerns.

Ellie Geranmayeh, an Iran expert at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said Iran retains considerable economic leverage over its neighbors.

Beyond the $3 billion in annual trade with Iran, Islamabad relies heavily on Iranian fuel shipments, especially liquefied petroleum gas, while Baghdad draws more than a third of the gas that powers its electricity network from the Islamic Republic.

Tehran has been taking its own measures, urging neighboring countries not to yield to US demands.

Iran’s deputy foreign minister met the Russian ambassador to discuss “how to counter unilateral U.S. actions, and the so-called Iron Gate plan.”

On 5 November, Putin hosted Iran’s Supreme National Security Council secretary, Mohsen Rezaei, at the Kremlin. They agreed to build pipelines carrying Russian gas to Iran, enabling Tehran to meet domestic demand and resell gas to neighboring states.

Rezaei said Iran would not reopen the Strait of Hormuz or negotiate until Washington meets seven conditions, including ending hostilities across the region, lifting the naval blockade and sanctions, and releasing frozen Iranian assets.

Via https://thecradle.co/articles/iraq-turkiye-pakistan-defy-us-pressure-refuse-to-seal-borders-with-iran-report