By Jeremy Kuzmarov

Rwandan regime and Western intelligence agencies and their media and academic assets have spread disinformation for three decades

On April 7, Rwandan President Paul Kagame commemorated the 30^th anniversary of the 1994 Rwandan genocide by lighting a flame in honor of the victims in front of foreign dignitaries, and giving a speech in which he blamed the international community for “failing all of us” because of its inaction “whether from contempt or cowardice.”

Kagame also stated that Rwandans were disgusted by critics who “questioned or revised the history of the genocide,” said to have been perpetrated by Hutus against Tutsis.

One of the dignitaries in the crowd was former president Bill Clinton, who wrote in his memoir that his administration “did not act quickly enough after the killing [by the Hutu against the Tutsi] began.”^[1]

President Joe Biden, a U.S. Senator at the time of the genocide, released a statement on April 7 emphasizing that “most of the more than 800,000 women, men and children killed in the one hundred days that followed the launching of the genocide were ‘ethnic Tutsis.’”

Biden’s claim is contradicted by the 1991 Rwandan census, which listed 596,000 Tutsis living in Rwanda, with 300,000 estimated to have survived. That would mean that 296,000 Tutsis were killed by Hutu and that the rest of the dead—over 500,000—were Hutus. An overwhelming number of the latter were killed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which Kagame led.^[2]

The RPF had helped trigger the genocide by invading Rwanda illegally from Uganda in 1990 against the wishes of U.S. Ambassador Robert Flaten, starting a civil war; and by shooting down the airplane of Rwanda’s Hutu President Juvénal Habyarimana to avoid implementing a power-sharing agreement between Hutu and Tutsis.

Contrary to Clinton’s claims that the U.S. did not act quickly enough, the Clinton administration had in reality “acted quickly” by a) providing military training to the RPF beginning in January 1994; b) allegedly supplying Kagame, through the CIA, with the missiles used to shoot down Habyarimana’s airplane; c) landing 330 Marines at Burundi’s Bujumbura Airport in April 1994; d) off-loading material rumored to be weapons to the RPF in Mombasa harbor; and e) deploying 800 U.S. soldiers after the genocide to rebuild and control Kigali’s airport and provide military training, satellite surveillance and arms to the RPF.^[3]

A U.S. soldier from Texas said that “we are not supposed to let our families know that we were sent to Rwanda,” while one from Connecticut said, “human rights and democracy are none of our concerns. We are concerned with making sure that Kagame’s regime is well planted and can survive.”^[4]

The myth of non-U.S. intervention in Rwanda has been used by liberal hawks like Samantha Power, National Security Adviser in the Obama administration and current USAID administrator, to initiate more “humanitarian interventions.” On the eve of the 2011 Operation Odyssey Dawn over Libya, Power claimed that the U.S. could not allow another Rwanda to happen.

The real agenda underlying U.S. intervention in Rwanda was to supplant French influence in Central Africa (France supported Habyarimana’s regime), and to establish a regional proxy that could destabilize the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and help U.S.-based investors, including prominent Clinton family donors, gain access to the DRC’s lucrative mineral wealth.

U.S. covert intelligence and guerrilla warfare operative Roger Winter, head of the U.S. Committee for Refugees, cultivated close ties with the Tutsi guerrilla exile community, beginning in the late 1980s, when Kagame emerged as a leader of the Tutsi exile force in Uganda plotting to take back power in Rwanda.^[5]

The RPF forces supporting Kagame went into exile during the reign of Habyarimana (1973-1994) and his predecessor, Grégoire Kayibanda (1961-1973), who ruled Rwanda after the triumph of the so-called Hutu Power revolution in the early 1960s.

The Belgian colonial rulers had empowered a Tutsi ruling aristocracy, which badly repressed Rwanda’s majority Hutu population, who reclaimed power under Kayibanda and Habyarimana.

Paul Kagame was one of the “’59ers” who left Rwanda in 1959 when he was a child.

The organization which in the late 1980s became the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) was founded by Tutsis in Uganda who left Rwanda 1959-1967, or were the children of those. Most monarchist Tutsis chose exile over subordination to any Hutu, who they considered inferior. Kayibanda’s Hutu majority government welcomed refugees to return as long as they denounced the Inyenzi terrorism and their avowed commitment to overthrow the First Republic.

To enable the RPF’s reconquest of Rwanda, the Bush I administration had provided $183 million in economic aid to Uganda—a higher amount than in the previous 27 years combined. The aid was channeled to the RPF, enabling it to carry out its invasion of Rwanda that provoked the genocide.

Further, the Bush administration increased the military training budget for Uganda and procured TOW missiles for the Ugandan military, which assisted the 1990 RPF invasion of Rwanda.^[6]

While being groomed for power, Paul Kagame was trained in psychological warfare tactics at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas—a training that has paid off handsomely.

Kagame has legitimated his rule and repeated invasions of the DRC by claiming to be a hero for saving his country from genocide carried out by Hutu militias (Interahamwe) under orders from extremist leaders who spread anti-Tutsi hatred over the radio.

However, this story is contradicted by the census data and on numerous other levels.

An alleged “genocide fax” warning of a premeditated plot by Hutu extremists sent by General Roméo Dallaire, commander of UN peacekeeping forces, to another Canadian general, Maurice Baril, in January 1994, has all the markings of a fabrication.^[7]

The fax was not seen until November 1995 when it was mysteriously sent to UN headquarters bearing the address of the British military academy at Sandhurst. The informant upon whom Dallaire based his information, Jean-Pierre Turatsinze, a Hutu Interahamwe (paramilitary) defector, was an RPF agent who was conveniently killed in Tanzania after joining the RPF there.

Kagame refused the Rwandan government forces’ repeated requests for a cease-fire to allow civilian protection measures. An International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) witness recounted examples of General Kagame ordering his troops not to intervene to save civilians and of officers being removed from their command for attempting to do so.

Kagame’s apparent calculation was that the greater the massacres, the better their justification for seizing power, a goal the U.S. and UK governments shared.

[…]

The Atlantic used Kennedy Ndahiro to produce their agitprop, in 2019, and they did not vet him then and did not vet him as a source in 2023, but he is a Tutsi extremist, and he offers a prime example of Ubwenge put into practice.

Ubwenge is the Kinyarwanda term that describes a very sophisticated, studied and inculcated practice of lying. The term also includes an element of pride that the user demonstrates in their ability to pull something over on the victim [typically, but not only, the white man].

Ndahiro’s original piece in The Atlantic was what I would call a coup d’état achieved by the RPF propaganda machine, except that it really was nothing more than regurgitated distortion recycled, repackaged, reconstituted in a new form. The RPF won the propaganda war.

U.S. intelligence and defense attache’s who facilitated the RPF “victories” in Rwanda and Congo-Zaire—some of them on the ground with the RPF—during the multiple genocides (1994-1998) include Lt. Col. Thomas P. Odom, Richard Skow, Lt. Col. Richard K. Orth, Lt. Colonel Bud Rassmusen  and the Defense Intelligence Agency’s “Mr. Africa” spymaster William G. Thom. These guys must be very proud of their accomplishments.

[…]

Related to the question about Clinton and the U.S. government response, the people of the United States will some day actually recognize the obvious fact that virtually every U.S. president from at least Eisenhower on [and, arguably, each one before that] had a propensity to practice their own [North] American form of Ubengwe.

William Jefferson Clinton and Hillary Rodham Clinton’s interests in Central Africa followed a trajectory that began with their organized criminal activities in the diamond sector [and others] in Arkansas long before Bill began hosting diamond kingpin Maurice Tempelsman at the White House or on Templesman’s yacht moored off Martha’s Vineyard.

[…]

The English-speaking Tutsi RPF shot and massacred and burned^[9] its way to power in Rwanda from 1990 to 1995, not caring about its role in facilitating the genocide of the French-speaking Tutsis (the so-called 100 days of genocide in 1994). The RPF also committed genocide against the Hutus in Rwanda, prior to 1994, and those Hutus who got away from the RPF [and the rest of its Ugandan military brotherhood] in Rwanda were then hunted and slaughtered in Zaire [1996-1998].

[…]

The U.S. backed Ugandan leader Yoweri Museveni and trained Kagame at Ft. Leavenworth. Uganda proxy wars for the U.S. and allies included Sudan, Rwanda, and Zaire. Then Congo and still Congo [today], Darfur, and now Mozambique. The USA instigated, supported, facilitated and participated in the 1994 genocide of the Tutsi committed by Hutu extremists and by RPF infiltrators. Ditto the genocides against the Hutus pre-1994 and post-1994. More specifically, we are talking about war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.

the Hutu dogs and snakes and other terms that dehumanized them. The Inyenzi then went about killing, bombing and assassinating Hutu leaders.Who were the henchmen for the extremist Tutsi chiefs? They were the Mwamis’ (kings’) elite commandos, the Twa, and the many still-indoctrinated Hutu loyalists who collaborated and benefited from the Tutsi monarchists’ complete control over the Hutu. [Think institutionalized white Klu Klux Klan (Tutsis) antebellum southern USA gulag over black/brown slaves (Hutus).] When Bertrand Russell screamed “genocide” over the plight of the Tutsis in 1964 (and grossly misrepresented the statistics, winners, losers, etc.), he was reacting to the propaganda campaign of the monarchist Tutsis: He had no idea what he was talking about. He was hysterical and self-righteous.

Sound familiar? Fast forward to the 1990s: Every attack by the RPF led to more death and despair. Like the Inyenzi in the 1960s, they did not care about Tutsis. They wanted total and absolute control. The Inyenzi in the 1960s wanted to force more Tutsis to leave Rwanda. The RPF wanted revenge on the Tutsis who never left.

[…]

The First Republic, which was born out of the independence from Belgium, was a situation where one people, the Hutu, were emancipated from the minority Tutsi extremist monarchist system. Previously, you had the Tutsi overlords in control of the Hutus who were the slaves, were lynched, and had their balls cut off—among other atrocities.

[…]

All of these academics completely omit the role of the U.S., Canada, Britain and Israel in the invasion of Rwanda and the genocide there—genocides really should be plural considering the RPF genocide against Hutus and their invasion of Zaire and the  genocides committed there as well.

[…]

Via https://covertactionmagazine.com/2024/04/26/psyops-regarding-1994-rwanda-genocide-continues-with-30th-anniversary-commemoration/